03 October 2025
Discussions are ongoing in the Council of the EU on proposals to establish an EU list of “safe countries of origin” to which people can be deported, and to revise the principle of the “safe third country.” The Danish presidency of the Council, taking into account delegations’ comments, presented proposed new versions of the texts at the beginning of September.
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Image: EU Council Eurozone, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0
The presidency's compromise texts of the proposed safe third country and safe country of origin rules were obtained by Agence Europe and have been seen by Statewatch.
The legislation on safe countries of origin would estabish a common EU list of countries deemed "safe", meaning asylum applications from citizens of those states can be processed more swiftly and are more likely to be refused.
The safe third country concept, meanwhile, means that a member state applying can issue a negative decision on an asylum application, "claiming that the person can receive protection in a third country"
The presidency has gone to great lengths to accommodate member states’ desire for swifter deportations with less oversight.
Along with the upcoming deportation Regulation, the proposed amendments on safe countries of origin (the ‘SCO proposal’) and safe third countries (‘STC proposal’) are key pillars of the EU’s project of further outsourcing migration management to non-EU countries.
“In general, the Presidency noted strong support from delegations to remove regulatory obstacles in order to allow for a more effective application of the safe third country concept in the future,” reads the explanatory note on the STC proposal (emphasis added).
The key points at issue are:
The European Commission proposed three different options for the “connection criteria”:
Noting that “a broad majority of delegations” were in favour of the Commission’s proposals, the Danish presidency proposed to leave options open and allow member states to choose. A German diplomatic cable from July, obtained by Statewatch, said that 13 member states were broadly in favour of this approach.
At the same time, the presidency considers whether an asylum seeker may develop a “connection” with a third country if they have stayed there for a long enough period of time, potentially complicating application of the “transit” concept. This issue is addressed in the expanded possible definitions of “connection”, which now would include countries where “the applicant has settled or stayed”.
The presidency has taken into account delegations’ concerns over how “transit” is defined. For instance, if someone has been through an international airport in a given country, that could count as “transit”.
The new wording expands the definition of “transit” to include such situations, provided a person “had the possibility… to request effective protection” without reference to the various reasons someone may not have been able to do so.
Member states, apparently anxious not to be limited by technical definitions, argued that the phrase “agreement or an arrangement” in the proposal “should be interpreted broadly”. The presidency has added wording to include both legal and informal schemes.
In cases where a person’s asylum application is rejected on the basis of coming from or via an STC, rather than on the individual merits of the application, the Danish presidency proposes wording taking away the automatic suspensive effect of appeals against removal.
There would remain an exemption for cases involving risks of refoulement, though the presidency expressed scepticism about even this: “any refoulement claim with regard to removal to the safe third country is likely to be non-arguable,” says the text. This point will be addressed at future meetings of the Working Party on Integration, Migration and Expulsion (IMEX).
On the problem of whether a country can be considered “safe” if conflict or other dangers persist in specific areas, the presidency compromise text suggests exceptions can be made for “specific parts of (the country’s) territory or clearly identifiable categories of persons” who might face danger.
In the case of EU candidate countries, the presidency takes the view that it “may be disproportionate to remove the designation of an EU candidate country completely where an armed conflict is circumscribed to a specific geographical area” and people have access to protection elsewhere in the country.
The question of how EU accession candidates should fit into the overall proposals generated considerable debate, particularly whether they should be included in “safe” lists as a group, and whether countries where accession negotiations had been delayed or paused should be included or removed.
The presidency proposes that EU accession candidates “should be considered as safe countries of origin” at the EU level. However, “due account should be taken of the fact that the situation in an EU candidate country could change to the extent that the designation of the country as a safe country of origin should no longer apply.”
Under the presidency’s proposals, if armed conflict (for example) were to break out in a candidate’s territory, then exceptions to the SCO list would “come into effect automatically” and cease when the cause for the exception no longer exists. The presidency proposes the Commission oversee that process.
The presidency proposed exempting accession candidates from safe lists only if accession negotiations were formally suspended. The aim is to avoid a revolving door situation, wherein candidate countries fall in and out of safe lists as accession negotiations stall and re-start.
It is not clear how Ukraine, an EU candidate country currently at war, fits into this larger issue.
The presidency has proposed that STC schemes should only oblige third countries to examine asylum requests “if such requests are made”. The presidency considers people might not apply for asylum in a receiving third country for various reasons, including if they are offered some other kind of residency, or voluntarily depart.
The proposal also appears to leave member states free to decide the process for notifying receiving countries about a deportee’s previous asylum application(s) in the EU. It says that an EU-level requirement to do so “could be an unnecessary administrative burden for the Member States, especially where a safe third country scheme is established on a larger scale.”
Other notable items in the two Presidency texts are:
A German diplomatic cable obtained by Statewatch shows that 13 member states would like to be able to deport people to any country they wish – even if the person has no connection to it. The demands have been accommodated in the most recent version of the proposed law on “safe third countries.” The cable also shows plans to remove the “suspensive effect” of appeals against deportation, while refugee resettlement pledges from member states are lower than ever.
The latest issue of our bulletin on border externalisation, Outsourcing Borders, is out now. Including: updates on EU deportation law negotiations; EU budget proposals and external migration control; details on EU projects designed to increase deportations and limit "irregular remigration"; and much more.
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